Introduction: Footnotes

1 An extensive bibliography is given by Guy P.R. Métraux at the end of his article "Ancient Housing" in JSAH , 58/3, Special Issue (Septempber 1999), 401 - 405. This bibliography, however, does not include the many entries concerning villas which have appeared over the years in various volumes of Notizie degli scavi di antichità (hereafter N.S. ); nor a few more recent publications dealing with villa life. Also see J.J. Rossiter, "Roman Farms Buildings in Italy," B.A.R. International Series 52 (1978) and "Wine and Oil Processing at Roman Farms in Italy," Phoenix , vol. 35 (1981) 4, 345 - 361 ; James C. Anderson, Jr., Roman Architecture and Society , Baltimore and London (1997); G.E. Rickman, Roman Granaries and Store Buildings , Cambridge (1971); Peter Garnsey, Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco-Roman World , Cambridge (1988). Back to document

2 See Pat Morris, "Agricultural Buildings in Roman Britain," B.A.R. British Series 70 (1979); Anne P. Gentry, "Roman Military Stone-Built Granaries in Britain," B.A.R. 32 (1976). Both these volumes have extensive bibliographies. Also Guy de la Bédoyère, Roman Villas and the Countryside, London (English Heritage), (1993); and David E. Johnston, Roman Villas , Aylesbury (Shire Publications Ltd.) (1983). For France, Germany, and Spain see Métraux (1999). Very helpful in all this is a fairly recent work by John T. Smith, Roman Villas. A Study in Social Structure , London (1997); so, too, John Percival, The Roman Villas , University of California Press (1976), esp, chapter 4, 51 - 105. Back to document

3 Cato, De Agri Cultura , I - CLXII; Varro, Rerum Rusticarum , Book 1: I - LXIX, Book 2: intro. and I - XI; Book 3: I - XVII; Columella, De Re Rustica , I - XII. Back to document

4 The 18 th and 19 th centuries of more recent time abound in these bucolic fantasies. See James Ackerman, The Villa: Form and Ideology of Country Houses , Princeton (1990). Back to document

5 See Roger Ling, Roman Painting , Cambridge (1991), esp. figs 151 -156 and plates XII A and XII B ; Gilbert Picard, Roman Painting , Milano (1968), plates LVI and LVII; Katherine M.D. Dunbabin, The Mosaics of Roman North Africa , Oxford (1978), plates XVI, XVIII, XXVI, XLIII, XLIV, XLV, XLIX; and of further interest Dunbabin, "Convivial Spaces: Dining and Entertainment in the Roman Villa," Journal of Roman Archaeology , 9 (1996), 66 - 80. Back to document

6 See Horace, Epistles and the poetry of Lucretius, De rerum natura ; Catullus, Peleus et Thetis ; and Virgil, esp. his Eclogues and Georgics. Back to document

7 See the bibliography, and Part IV of Peter Garnsey’s Famine and Food Suppy in the Graeco-Roman World, Cambridge (1988); also K.D. White, Roman Farming, London (1970); F. Hugo Thompson, The Archaeology of Greek and Roman Slavery, Duckworth (2003). Of some interest in this regard are a few of the articles contained in Agricultura e Commerci nell’Italia Antica, dir. Lorenzo Quilici e Stefania Quilici Gigli, Roma (1995). Back to document

8 See A. Maiuri, La Villa dei Misteri, 2 vols., Rome (1947); John H. D’Arms, Romans on the Bay of Naples: A Social and Cultural Study of the Villas and their Owners from 150 B.C. to A.D. 400, Cambridge, Mass (1970); R.C. Carrington, “Studies in the Campanean Villae Rusticae,” Journal of Roman Studies, 21 (1931), 110 – 130; Wilhelmina F. Jashemski, The Gardens of Pompeii, Herculaneum, and the Villas Destroyed by Vesuvius, 2 vols., New Rochelle, N.Y. (1979 – 1993), to identify just a few works. Back to document

9 See Pliny the Younger, Epistles, I, II and IX; Horace, Epistles, I and V. Back to document

10 See in particular Nicholas Purcell, “Town in Country and Country in Town,” in Ancient Roman Villa Gardens, ed. Elisabeth Blair MacDougall, Dumbarton Oaks (1987), and other works by the same author. Back to document

11 See J.B. Ward Perkins and A. Kahane, “The Via Gabina,” Papers of the British School at Rome, 40 (1972), 91 – 126; P. Schutzmann-Bolzon, “Archeologia in Borgata: Il gruppo di Tor Angela,” Archeologia, n.s.i (1972), 33 – 36; Jean Costa, S.M., “Recerca dei bolli Laterizi in una zona dell’agro romano Torre Angela,” Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, 43 (1971), for the immediate area bordering on the Via Gabina. Back to document

12 From air photographs taken in 1959 map sheets at a scale of 1 : 10,000 were prepared in 1961 for the use of the Town Planning Office of the Comune di Roma. Back to document

13 See J.B. Ward Perkins and A. Kahane (1972), 91 – 126. Back to document


Chapter One: Footnotes

14 In this regard, contemporary air photographs and maps provide much useful information. So, too, L. Quilici, “La Via Prenestina,” Passeggiata nel Lazio, II, Rome (1977); Collatia (= Forma Italiae, reg. 1, vol. 10), Rome, 1974; and Urbanistica, 54 – 55 (1969), i – xx. Ward Perkins / Kahane, P. Schultzmann-Bolzon, and Jean Costa, S.M. are all cited above in footnnotes 11 and 13. More recently, L. Quilici, “La villa nel suburbio romano; Problemi di studio e di inquadramento storico-topografico,” Archeologia classica, 31 (1979), 309 – 317; Misurare la terra: Centuriazione e coloni nel mondo romano. Citta, agricultura, commercio: Materiali da Roma e dal suburbio, Modena (1985); and the exhibition catalogue Roma, Archeologia e Progetto, Roma (1983). Back to document

15 With the construction of the Horreum/Barn at Site 10 in the late 4th or early 5th century A.C., the lands of several adjacent villas would seem to be consolidated into one large holding perhaps under the authority of the Church, for the production of grain rather than the luxury crops of fine wine and olive oil. A partial consolidation may have occured even earlier when the Aqua Alexandriana was built through the area. The expropriation by the Roman State of the lands on either side of the aqueduct’s path might have been necessary to protect its natural flow from the underground pilfering of water by the local landowners to irrigate their fields (see “Chapter 5” and “Speculations” section of this report). Back to document

16 See J.B. Ward Perkins and A. Kahane (1972), 110 – 111. Back to document

17 We thank especially Professor Adriano La Regina, then Soprintendente degli Antichità di Roma, Dr. Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri and Dr. Matilde de Angelis d’Ossat, Inspectors, for their generous help and patience. We also acknowledge the invaluable assistance of the late Dr. M. Aylwin Cotton and the gracious cooperation of the American Academy in Rome and the British School at Rome. We also thank our many donors and our sponsor Rice University in Houston, Texas. Back to document

18 The Tenuta Tor Bella Monaca/Tor Angela, then under the supervision of Ing. Batocchi and the managament of Sig. Andrei, was cultivated with considerable profit by means of crop rotation, resting of fields, and even irrigation for some areas. If the same practices had not been in place in antiquity the fields today likely would be far less productive and the land truly worn out as several of the ancient agrarian authors claim. Back to document

19 Consult the “Speculations” section of this report. Back to document  


Chapter Two: Footnotes

20 Immediately to the west along the crest of the hillside leading down to the Fosso di Tor Bella Monaca, excavation in 1978 and 1979 revealed a Horreum/Barn of some 80 meters in length about which more will be said below in its own section of this report. The Horreum/Barn was found to date from the end of the 4th century A.C. or early 5th century; occupation extended at least through the 9th century. Back to document

21 The land holding of the villa might have measured as much as twenty hectares. This calculation is based on the topography of the immediate area, the proximity of surface remains from other presumed villas, and the extent and type of agricultural activity carried on within Site 10's villa. Back to document

22 What is certain is the positioning of the villa's southern exterior wall to accommodate and internalize the cuniculus found there. As a result the villa’s plan is badly skewed with the expansion of its two later phases. Back to document

23 From the plan and elevational reconstruction of Phase 2A, whatever structure existed on the site in Period 1 must have been rustic indeed in the residential accommodation it provided. The dating and character of the metal objects (see Jackson's report on "Metal Objects") confirm agricultural activity at the site for all of Period 1 (the Republic). Back to document

24 The eastern corridor of the peristyle may not have existed in Period 1. Thus the villa could have begun as a "U" plan corresponding to Site 11's villa. This eastern corridor lacks the internalization of the others until Phase 2D. Toward the end of the villa’s life it functions as a repository for huge storage dolia rather than serving any residential needs. Back to document

25 The origins of the peristyle form in Greek/Hellenistic architecture and that of the atrium house in essentially Roman sources, as well as their early combination by the Romans, for both villas and city dwellings are topics discussed many times over. What perhaps is forgotten in these arguments is that all instances represent the regularization of units around a central focus or core in order to provide privacy and something of nature within typically urban or even rural forms. Also we should not dismiss Patroni's hypothetical closing of the "U" plan by a fourth element and thus the creation of the atrium house from early Roman (Etruscan?) farmhouses. This fourth closing element is exactly what is added in the development of the Villa at Site 11. The Villa at Site 10 seems never to have had any kind of true atrium while the Site 11 Villa never had a peristyle, only an enclosed western garden. Back to document

26 Even today, when the air is clear, one can see the dome of St. Peter's soaring between the high-rise apartments of the new suburb of Tor Bella Monaca. Back to document

27 Nicholas Purcell, first in "Town in Country and Country in Town," Ancient Roman Villa Gardens, ed. E B. MacDougall, Dumbarton Oaks, 1987 and then in several important later publications, discusses at length the interrelationship of landscape, man-made improvements, the city, and the view. Back to document

28 The western wall of the enclosed garden diverged from the lateral wall of the later Horreum/Barn by at least a meter. Strangely, the two walls were not exactly parallel. Back to document


Chapter Three: Footnotes

29 Because the Hylas Emblema was set into a single tile, it could be easily lifted and reused in a succession of floors or inserted later than its earliest context. Back to document

30 Identification and dates of the pottery shards were given by Joann Freed in her 1987 Summary Report for Site 10. Back to document

31 Unfortunately the emblema's permanent exhibition with its surrounding floor at the Palazzo Massimo of the Museo Nazionale di Roma has reversed the relationship of the emblema and the position of the couch of the padrone as indicated in the black-bordered white mosaic floor. Thus the proper perspective view of the emblema becomes that from the doorway of the room as one looks toward the couch. The result of such a reversal in antiquity would have been to obscure the symbolic meaning of a peristyle garden pool. Back to document

32 Credit for this wall reconstruction drawing as well as the alternatives for the walls of the peristyle corridors is owed to Daniel Borden, an architect and crew member of the excavation team. Back to document

33 The white to gray marble Corinthian pilaster capitals and bases found in Room 13 along with stacked pieces of white to gray marble revetment are thought to come from the wall decoration of the peristyle corridors. The height of the capitals fits nicely that of the Campana Relief plaques (see "Fresco Wall Decoration" and "Site 10: Features and Decorative Elements"; also Kenneth Painter's "Campana Reliefs"). Back to document

34 The well-shaft was excavated by our team for only three-quarters of a meter and as a consequence the water level in antiquity remains unknown. However, one is safe to presume that the aquifer which provides water for the irrigation of some of the fields of the Vaselli Tenuta was also a source of water in ancient times. The difference would be that now the water is raised by electric pumps; we do not know how it was raised when the aquifer served the villa. Back to document

35 A substantial portion of this concrete gutter was preserved on the southern edge of the peristyle garden just below what would have been the roof line of the corridor (Room 5). Back to document

36 There were remains of a mosaic floor made up of standard white marble tesserae for all the portico spaces; also emplacements for some of the columns. Back to document

37 This fresco has a kind of frieze below a painted cornice with the representation of hanging and drying erbes. Unfortunately we have been unable to identify the species of these erbes, but we are reminded that the same practice of hanging actual erbes below a cornice is found today in many country restaurants and kitchens throughout Italy. Back to document

38 The cistern itself perhaps collected rain water drained from the roof. Back to document

39 The proposed elevation of Site 10's Villa is in marked contrast to the Site 11 Villa where, after its conversion to an atrium-type house, all parts were double storied (see below). Back to document

40 On the east the rooms or spaces of this last addition to the villa are part of the northern industrial section (see below). Back to document

41 The transformation of what had been a large cut in the northern exterior wall of 2B and 2C into an enclosed service courtyard was a major alteration of the villa's form. No longer would there be a matching feature for the similar but always unobstructed cut on the south leading to the peristyle. Back to document

42 The craticium wall must have been a very late reworking of the area after the initial 2D expansion northward from the 2C perimeter wall. Back to document

43 The plunge pool was marble lined, but despite its depth, without steps. Its bottom floor was composed of large square tiles rather than marble. Back to document

44 The flue tiles would have contributed heat not only for the pool but also for the room. Back to document

45 At least one wall of a heated room needs to have flue tiles running through it in order to provide draft for the fire and a means of escape for smoke and ash. Back to document


Chapter 4: Footnotes

46 Perhaps even the washing and dyeing of finished cloth should be assigned to the activity of the fulonica. Back to document

47 Although the screw press and its collection tank are not incorporated into Room 49 until Phase 2D, they could well have been shielded by a lean-to roof built against the western wall of Room 49. This arrangement would not significantly narrow the passageway from the outside into corridors 5 and 6 of the peristyle nor destroy the symmetry with the villa's northern passageway. Also a sense of joined pavilions would thus continue into Phase 2C. Back to document

48 All the basins, tanks, and vats were concrete lined. Walls were built up of opus reticulatum. The treading basin had a spicatum floor covered by a concrete lining. Quarter-round mouldings where tank walls join floors were standard. Back to document

49 What remains of the plumbing in this area, especially that of the screw press and its low level collection tank, helps little in determining the exact purpose or even phase of much of what we find here. This is due to the salvage of materials at the time of the villa's decay. However, both the screw press and later treading basin clearly connect with their collection tanks by means of in situ tile-lined troughs or sluices. A confusing length of terra cotta pipe skirts the low level collection tank on both its sides (see "Site 10: Villa - Plans and Reconstructions"). It is impossible to know how this skirting pipe contributed to wine production; probably it had nothing to do with transferring the must from the screw press. However, the treading basin and screw press as well as their collection tanks or vats could have drained into the cuniculus aligned with the southern perimeter wall of the villa. The collapse of the vault of the cuniculus in this area has destroyed any positive evidence of actual drains. Yet it should be remembered that the off-grid position of the villa's southern perimeter wall seems determined by a desire to internalize the cuniculus. Back to document

50 The question of cooperative processing will be more thoroughly discussed in the "Speculations" section of this report. However, the introduction of at least one mechanical press and additional treading basins in the north (see below) greatly increases the potential for the production of ever greater quantities of wine. In this regard we should note that the Villa at Site 11 was finally devoted exclusively to the pressing of olives for their oil. This may also have been a cooperative venture given the presumed size of the Site 11 Villa's landholding and the cost of a mechanical press. Back to document

51 The underground transfer of the must carried in amphorae to far-flung areas of the villa would have offered a tremendous advantage in the complicated production of a truly fine wine as well as a reason for the maintenance of these cuniculi to the very end of the villa's life (see below). Back to document

52 A similar cut existed at the Site 11 Villa just below its olive press. Unfortunately, too litte is known about press types and the arrangement of tanks or vats needed in wine making and for the production of olive oil to answer these questions with any certainty (see Rossiter; also Cato and Varro in this regard). Back to document

53 What we obviously have, if not a kiln, is a connected hypocaust for both rooms or spaces. Back to document

54 Phase 2C also had a portico made up of piers running along the villa's then eastern perimeter wall. This portico was destroyed in the Phase 2D reworking of the area, but the pier foundations remain intact below Phase 2D floor levels. Back to document

55 There was not enough preserved of interior walls to prove any special use. Back to document

56 Already the Phase 2D internalization of a cuniculus entrance in the western "U" portico has been commented on (see above). Back to document

Chapter Five: Footnotes

57 Excavation of the Horreum/Barn began in the 1978 season, two years before the adjacent Site 10 Villa.   Air photographs taken late in the summer of 1979 revealed not only the existence of the villa, but also the full 79 meter length of the Horreum/Barn.   This fortuitous discovery came from the difference in erba medica growth over walls and floors, visible only from the air, during a summer when the site was not planted in grain. Back to document

58 It is reasonable to assume that the Roman State confiscated the properties of both the Villa at Site 10 and that at Site 11 in order to prevent tunneling through the tufa bedrock to siphon off water from the newly constructed Aqua Alexandriana less than 150 meters away and itself underground.   Abandonment of the villas rather than their immediate destruction fits nicely with this thesis.   Because authority in Rome soon passed to the Papacy (especially when the capital was moved to Milan) as did some of the land holdings of the State, is it possible that our Horreum/Barn represents one of the first Papal farms established on the outskirts of Rome?   Might it have been a factor in the Papacy's attempt to prevent the starvation of Rome's citizens by organizing and consolidating the lands outside Rome for the production of the much needed grain (see the "Speculations" section of this report)? Back to document

59 If hay was what was stored here, perhaps even on upper racks over the aisles, the part of the roof over the central space may have been higher than the aisle roofs.   This stepped profile would have allowed ventilation between the different levels of roofing.   Ventilation would have been necessary to prevent combustion of any stored hay. Back to document

60 If the side aisles or enveloping spaces of the building had been stalls for livestock, both drainage channels and some evidence of feeding bins could be expected.   Unfortunately, neither was found although most of this southern part of the building had long since been stripped away to foundation level by centuries of ploughing. Back to document

61 A worthwhile catalogue was published in 1985 which begins to assemble the archaeological evidence necessary for a consideration of economic and social issues in the area of Rome: Misurare la terra: Centuriazione e coloni nel mondo romano.   Citta, agricoltura, commercia: Materiali da Roma e dal suburbio , Modena, 1985.   This catalogue was issued for the exhibition of the same name organized by the Soprintendenza Archeologia di Roma in collaboration with the Sezione di Topograpfica Antica del Departimento di Scienze Storiche, Archaeologiche e Antropologiche dell' Antichita`, Universita` degli Studi di Roma, and presented at the Museo Nazionale, Rome, in April-June 1985.   Plans from early publications of the Villa at Site 11 are here reproduced, 96 and 97.
A good summary of the "state of affairs" for determining the role of the suburban villas of Rome, with a particularly useful bibliography, is found in L. Quilici, "La villa nel suburbio romano: Problemi di studio e di inquadramento storico-topografico," Archeologia classica , 31 (1979), 309 – 317.   This article is the result of a colloquium, "The Roman Villas in Italy: Current Research," held at the American Academy in Rome in December 1979. Back to document

Chapter Six: Footnotes

62 The Villa at Site 11 has been well published for some time. Our first interim report, written after the 1977 season of excavation, gives what was then known of the plans and phases for the villa: P. Oliver-Smith and W. Widrig, "Villa rustica romana. Relazione preliminare sulle campagne di scavo 1976 e 1977 nell'agro romano," N.S., ser. 8, 35, 1981 (Lincei, 1982), 99 – 114. More precise dating of the phases, especially those of Period 2, is found in W. Widrig, "Excavations on the ancient via Gabina: Second preliminary report," N.S., ser. 8, 37, 1983 (Lincei, 1986), 141 – 182, written after a careful stratographic analysis by Joann Freed of the pottery from the site. Also see W. Widrig, "Two Sites on the Ancient Via Gabina," British Museum Occasional Paper 24 (1980), 119 – 141, and W. Widrig, "Land Use at the Via Gabina Villas," Ancient Roman Villa Gardens, ed. Elisabeth Blair MacDougall, Dumbarton Oaks (1987), 223 – 260, and a summary of a paper delivered by W. Widrig in AJA 85 (April 1981), 224. J. Anderson, op. cit., 318 – 321, makes the Site 11 Villa an example of the modest Roman farm structure and illustrates the plans of both Period 1 and Period 2. F. Hugh Thompson, op. cit., 97, refers to the Site 11 Villa for identifying, by means of excavation, the existence of slaves for working the fields of a country estate. Mention is also made of the Site 11 Villa in the catalogue Roma Archeologia e Progetto, Roma (1983), 29 - 30. Back to document

63 The Vaselli owners of the Tenuta Tor Bella Monaca / Tor Angela in the first years of the project showed both interest and enthusiasm for the work we were doing. But later, especially after the opening of Site 10 and the granting of a vincolo for both sites 10 and 11, did the realization set in that there would be significant loss of revenue in perpetuity from the restricted areas. Hence each year thereafter compensation was required before granting our team entry to the sites. Back to document

64 Despite a deserved reputation for excellent memory, John Ward Perkins was as puzzled as I. His last words on leaving the area of Site 11 were: "Well, Walt, it may take you as long as two seasons before you uncover foundations of any structures. But that's what archaeology is all about." These words were sufficiently indelible for me to be able to quote them even today. Back to document

65 See especially P. Schutzmann-Bolzon, "Archeologia in Borgata: Il grupo di Tor Angela," Archeologia ,   n.s. 1 (1972), 33 – 36; Jean Costa, S.M., "Recerca dei bolli Laterizi in una zona dell'agro romano Torre Angela," Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, 43 (1971), 71 – 108; L. Quilici, "La Via Prenestina," Passeggiata nel Lazio, II, Rome, 1977; Collatia ( =Forma Italiae, reg. 1, vol. 10), Rome, 1974; and Urbanistica, 54 – 55 (1969), i-xx. Back to document

66 At Site 11 there would not have been the same need as at Site 10 for irrigating surrounding fields if these supported primarily olive trees. However, this fact does not preclude the confiscation of the Site 11 Villa and its land by the State to prevent the possible taking of water from the nearby underground aqueduct (the early 3 rd century Aqua Alexandriana) should there ever be a shift from olive oil production to some other crop (see "Speculations"). Back to document

67 In one instance a red tufa quadratum wall , the northern wall of the Period 1 long room, is resurfaced in reticulate. Back to document

68 Proof of two stories is the masonry emplacement and several steps found just beyond the atrium. I have assigned staircases to two other locations within the villa, one on the northern end of the western flank and another adjacent to the bath suite (see below). Back to document

69 An elbow section of terracotta pipe, leading upward and connecting with pipe along the ground plane, found in situ, reinforces the presence of a roof cistern. Back to document

70 One of the hypocaust floor tiles, found in situ, had a Domitianic stamp. Because the floor tile was a reused roof tile only a postquam date is provided. Back to document

Chapter Seven: Footnotes

71 This late nonresidential function of the eastern portion of the room can be inferred from the dolium emplacements found here which contained the broken walls of the dolia themselves. Back to document

72 With this exception, all new walls of the Period 2 villa have a rubble concrete core with reticulate faces. Back to document

73 The floor of Room IV was initially composed of gray tufa flagstones of considerable size (Phase 1A); in turn these flags were covered by a thin layer of concrete (Phase IB or IC?). Back to document

74 There is nothing to suggest that this well went out of use in phases 2A and 2B/C. Back to document

75 If these rooms along the wstern flank of the farmhouse/villa (rooms XIII, XIV, and XV) had housed slaves or farm workers, only then might they be considered residential. Back to document

76 The architect or builder of the Phase 2A villa was clever enough and technically competent to insure that there be only a short interruption of occupation of the villa in its Phase 2A expansion and conversion to an atrium type house. Back to document

77 Similar half-columns framed the staircase of Room 26 and, as stated, one side of the stair of Room 39. Back to document

78 A section of lead pipe, that which ran under the southern facade wall to the exterior tank, was left by the scavengers. This section carried an inscription, but, according to John D'Arms, it did not reveal either a known name of its fabricator or that of the villa's owner. The tank would have provided drinking water for horses or mules (perhaps humans?).Back to document

Chapter Eight: Footnotes

79 This channel in Period 2 seems to be replaced by terracotta pipe, still in situ, following a slightly different course. This new pipe comes from the roof cistern (see Chapter 7). Back to document

80 It is possible these last-named rooms sheltered slaves or farm workers (see Chapter 7). Back to document

81 A line of peperino blocks, in situ, would have carried the lean-to roof's supports whether wood or masonry. Back to document

82 This platform, somewhat higher than the floor level of either Room 28 or Room 43, had an opus spicatum surface covered by a thin lining of concrete and quarter-round moldings along its edges. Back to document

83 A considerable amount of burned wood (charcoal) was found within the walls of the ovens. Back to document

84 We are indebted to J.J. Rossiter for help in interpreting the oil processing facilities at Site 11. Back to document

85 Joann Freed believes, from the evidence of the pottery contexts (see "Site 11 Pottery Summary"), that after c 180 A.C. the industrial function of the Site 11 Villa substantially overshadows the residential; this condition then persists right up to the end of the villa's occupation (the 1st or 2nd decade of the 3rd century A.C.). Back to document

Chapter Nine: Footnotes

86 The pipe segments measured 0.30 meters in length and 0.11x0.09 meters in section. The fabric of the pipe was red/yellow fired clay. If modern, the setting of the pipe at a depth of 1.10 meters would mean all strata to this level were disturbed. Back to document

87 This large field is indeed irrigated today and hence is one of the most productive of the Vaselli estate. Back to document

88 Coste (1971) and Schutzmann-Bolzon (1972) both record finds which indicate a possible cemetery. Back to document

89 Of special importance are the legible stamped bricks found in the 1964 surface survey. The majority of these could be dated to the 1st century A.C. and quite a few to the Trajanic/Hadrianic period. Therefore, there is a correspondence with the stamped bricks from both sites 10 and 11 and the construction phases of their villas. Back to document

90 Our uncontested vincolo applied only to the area of actual excavation at Site 10 and Site 11. Back to document

Chapter Ten: Footnotes

91 Another contributing factor is an edict of Trajan, as reported by by Pliny the Younger, which required all provicial senators to invest at least one third of their wealth in lands within Italy. The lands closest to Rome, in other words its suburbs, would certainly have been the most desirable. Hence the value of suburban property would have increased greatly. Back to document

92 This, in fact, is exactly what has occured today, especially when one thinks of wine making. "Cooperatives" have been established to produce wine from the grapes grown on many small suburban residential plots. Back to document

93 Commodus expropriated or confiscated much land from executed or banished senators during his reign. Back to document

94 Topographical studies which shed light on these matters are the following: Giovanni Maria De Rossi, Torri e Castelli Medievali della Campagna Romana, Roma, 1969, 141-149; Giuseppi Tomassetti, La Campagna Romana, vol. 3 (1910-1926), Roma, 476-477 and fig. 107. A more general and earlier work is Thomas Ashby, "The Classical Topography of the Campagna Romana," PBSR, i (1902), 125-281. Back to document

95 Filipppo Coarelli in his meticulously researched article "L'urbs e il suburbio," ed. A. Giardina, SocietÓ Romana e Impero tardo antico, vol. II (1986), Rome and Bari, 1-58, claims three important changes for the lands southeast and immediately beyond the gates of Rome. Coarelli believes initially these lands would have been simple farms, but in the Trajanic/Hadrianic period they fall primarily into the hands of the equestrian or senatorial class. It is then that both convenience and luxury become the major concerns of the owners. By the time of Commodus (180-193 A.C.), perhaps because of his confiscations, these lands in most part belong to the extended imperial families. With Constantine's acceptance of Christianity significant portions of thse imperial estates are given to the Church or else again revert to private ownership. This cycle of events also involved the distribution and availability of water for irrigation from the important eastern aqueducts. Both Coarelli's timetable and questions of water rights should be compared to what has been learned from the excavation of the Via Gabina villas and Horreum/Barn, farther from Rome by perhaps 7 kms. Also what I offer concerning the transfer of authority from the Roman State to the Church for these lands, certainly by the early 5th century A.C., seems confirmed by Coarelli's findings. Back to document